Dedicated to everyone who played in Bryansk and left a good memory...
OUR
Lev Kornilov was remembered by fans for his athletics run correctly, speed, a certain recklessness. And also a crazy goal against Krasnodar. Extra time was ending and he fired from outside the penalty area into the far “nine”, scoring a 4:3 victory.
- Leva, do you remember Bryansk at all?
- Certainly! I just had wonderful impressions. It was a very good time for me (to the wide smile at that moment there was added sadness in my eyes). Fans still ask how you are, what’s going on with you.
- Do you keep in touch with any of the guys?
- We constantly write to Foma. I am still very close friends with Zheka Shlyakov; he often comes to visit me.
- I remember you and Almir were a perfect match...
- Yes, we call him and write regularly. He is in Kazakhstan. I always forget what his team is called (laughs). We communicate, we don’t disappear.
- The brightest spot during that Bryansk period? Crazy goal against Krasnodar?
- In principle, I wouldn’t say that it was only a goal against Krasnodar, but I was in the lineup for the entire period when I played. Sergei Ivanovich Ovchinnikov trusted me, I liked everything then. There were a lot of emotions.
- Didn’t fate bring you to Bryansk after that?
- No, unfortunately. But I'm aware of things. When Zhenya arrives, I find out about football and ask how the roads are, have they not been repaired?
- What do you have now, a long-term contract with Torpedo?
- After this season, the contract will last for a year. I want to prove it. This is my character. If they don’t, God bless him, we’ll endure it, but we’ll bite and prove it. That’s why I’m a football player, I’ll work, but not all coaches should like me equally.
- How is your family?
- My child is already in the second grade, my wife. They are now in Ramenskoye. I had a period when Kazakov and Durnev left Torpedo, and new coach Didn’t see me on the team, I became interested in karate. I went to karate for six months and found an outlet. I met respected people in Ramenskoye, and now we maintain relationships.
- Are you renting an apartment in Ramenskoye?
- Yes, we're filming.
- You yourself are from the other side of the country?
- Well, yes, but I met my future wife where he served, the city of Lesozavodsk. This is a taiga city.
- Have you been there lately?
- I haven’t been home for a long time. It was vacation, but my son goes to school here, so we didn’t get out, which is a pity.
- Well, what can you say as a wish to Bryansk, to yourself, to your current team?
- I wish Bryansk football and the city to return to its previous sporting level. I know that the fans there live for football, the city really needs it. I wish my current team to complete the task. A team with a name, with history, needs to reach the Premier League. And I really want to be involved in success, to play, to be useful.
KORNILOV AND LVIV
Savinkov returned from Mogilev to Petrograd on the afternoon of August 25. By this time he tried to push away the heavy thoughts. The main thing was done - a compromise with Kornilov was found. Now there was only one thing left: Kerensky had to sign the necessary papers. Immediately upon his return, Savinkov reported on the results of his trip to the Prime Minister, and then, at the request of the Minister of Railways P.P. Yurenev - and the entire government.
On the same day, Savinkov twice turned to Kerensky with a request to sign the papers finally brought from Headquarters, but he refused both times under some far-fetched pretexts. The same situation repeated the next day. Something was clearly happening to Kerensky. He woke up from the trance of the previous days and again resorted to his favorite manner of delaying and postponing decisions that were unpleasant to him. Kerensky, by his own admission, had no serious reasons not to believe Kornilov. Rather, his notorious intuition worked here: he sensed the approaching changes, although he could hardly formulate what they were.
However, Kerensky still had some information unknown to Savinkov. On August 22, when Savinkov left for Mogilev, the prime minister’s office received a visitor who was destined to play a fatal role in the turbulent events of the following days. This was an old acquaintance of V.N. Kerensky. Lviv. Like Kerensky, he was a deputy of the Fourth Duma, and like him, in March 1917 he became part of the Provisional Government. In the Duma, Lvov was known as an expert on Russian church affairs. For this reason, in the office headed by his namesake, Prince G.E. Lvov, he took the position of Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod.
According to the testimony of people who knew him closely, Lvov was a sincere person, but at the same time expansive and enthusiastic. He “was animated by the best intentions and also amazed with his naivety, and even with some incredibly frivolous attitude to business” (350). When the government was headed by Kerensky, Lvov was forced to leave. Then he was reminded that in the heat of anger he then called Kerensky his mortal enemy. However, these were nothing more than words; Lvov’s anger could almost instantly be replaced by the same suffocating adoration. In less than a few days, he began shouting everywhere about his admiration for Kerensky, whom he referred to only as his close friend.
As a former Duma deputy, Lvov took part in the work of the State Conference. Even for him, a man not very perspicacious, what he saw made a depressing impression. For another, this could cause anxiety, fear for the future. Lvov, with his hyper-emotional perception of his surroundings, almost fell ill. For him, the reconciliation of Kerensky and Kornilov became an obsessive thought. What happened next seems incredible at first glance, an absolutely fantastic series of mistakes. In fact, the tragic confusion of the following days was the product of that mutual distrust that forced Kerensky, Kornilov, Savinkov and all the others involved in this story to suspect each other of mortal sins.
In Moscow, Lvov stayed at the National Hotel. Here he accidentally met a certain I.A. Dobrynsky, with whom I was once casually acquainted. Dobrynsky had a reputation as an adventurer and idle talker. His acquaintances called him “Tatar Khan” behind his back. He really boasted of his kinship with the famous khan dynasty of the Girays and said that at his first word 40 thousand highlanders would rise. Pathological boastfulness was Dobrynsky's main feature, and in order to create the impression of himself as a significant person, he constantly had to move in “circles.”
Dobrynsky immediately told Lvov that he was going to Headquarters, where he had been invited to participate in some secret meeting. In fact, no one invited Dobrynsky to Headquarters, and he went to Mogilev on a minor, purely personal occasion. In the carriage, Dobrynsky met Aladin. They didn’t talk about anything serious, but Dobrynsky felt envy: after all, Aladin really went to Headquarters at Kornilov’s invitation, and Filonenko and Zavoiko met him on the platform. In Mogilev, while passing the time before the train, Dobrynsky went to have lunch at the Officers' Assembly. Here he overheard a conversation between unknown officers who denounced the government and Kerensky himself. This meaningless episode became the impetus for the collapse of further events.
Returning to Moscow, Dobrynsky again met with Lvov. By his nature, he was ready to believe any lie, and Dobrynsky could not stand it. In a terrible secret, he said that he was present at a secret meeting where it was decided to declare General Kornilov a dictator. At Headquarters, he said, everyone hates Kerensky. An assassination attempt is already being prepared on him, and the prime minister was specially invited to Mogilev in order to arrest, or even kill. He, Dobrynsky, persuaded Kornilov to wait, but in his absence bad advisers could force the commander-in-chief to change his mind.
Lvov became terribly excited. He really admired Kerensky and was now afraid for him. He decided to immediately go to Petrograd in order to warn Kerensky about the impending danger. Upon arrival in the capital, he immediately went to Winter Palace and was immediately accepted by Kerensky. This already looks strange; the prime minister often refused to meet with current ministers. According to Kerensky, he believed that Lvov had come “just to chat” (351). Let's accept this explanation - Kerensky knew that Lvov idolized him, and could allow himself to enjoy a session of enthusiastic worship.
But the conversation from the very beginning went far from a public declaration of love. Lvov began to talk confusingly about how Kerensky was losing his authority in the country, that the extreme left, and now the right, were against him. The government, according to him, needs to have a stronger support and for this, introduce into the cabinet political figures who are to the right of the Cadets. At the same time, he constantly spoke in such a way that it seemed as if he was acting on someone’s behalf.
Kerensky tried to clarify who Lvov represented, but he replied that he could not say. Nevertheless, Kerensky did not interrupt the conversation and did not throw Lvov out. According to him, he thought that Lvov was acting on behalf of the “Rodziankov group,” that is, moderate right-wing politicians who were left out of work after the revolution (352). The center of their consolidation in the spring of 1917 were private meetings State Duma, and since August - the newly created Council of Public Figures.
Lvov and Kerensky parted almost amicably. Lvov promised to tell us who was behind him at the next meeting. Kerensky promised to answer the question about the prospects for expanding the government to include representatives of the political right wing. Lvov backed towards the door, repeating that those whom he represented had serious power and influence. Kerensky, smiling, escorted him to the exit; he seemed to sincerely enjoy this stupid conversation.
Of course, Lvov did not represent anyone but himself. Returning to Moscow, he contacted his older brother N.N. Lvov. He had also been a Duma deputy in the recent past, but, unlike his younger brother, he was distinguished by a more sober and rational character. Lvov Sr. was a member of the leadership of the Trade and Industrial Union and had strong connections in the business and financial world. When the brothers met, the younger informed the elder that he had just arrived from St. Petersburg, where Kerensky had summoned him. According to him, Kerensky came to the conviction that in order to fight Bolshevism it was necessary to involve right-wing public figures in the administration, and the prime minister entrusted this task to him (353). In the imagination of Lvov Jr., everything had become confused. The visit to Kerensky, which he himself initiated, became a trip by invitation, and the proposal he said at this meeting was now put into the prime minister’s mouth. All this is important to understand in order to understand the reasons for the later conflict between Kerensky and Kornilov.
Let us note one more circumstance: a lie always remains a lie, but the behavior of Dobrynsky and Lvov was fundamentally different in nature. What was outright “Khlestakovism” in Dobrynsky, sounded so sincere in Lvov that it could well convince the interlocutor. Lvov Sr. testified at the investigation into the “Kornilov” case: “I consider it necessary to add that my brother Vladimir, thanks to the deeply experienced emotional turmoil associated with the revolution of 1917, was distinguished by extreme unbalance of character and impetuosity of decisions made” (354). Less delicate contemporaries directly wrote that Lvov was seriously damaged in his mind. In his brain, fantasies and reality were so intertwined that he himself could not distinguish between them.
In the evening, Dobrynsky and Aladin came into Lvov’s hotel room. Lvov, who by this time already sincerely believed in his inventions, told them that his trip was a complete success. Kerensky, he said, was quite prepared to negotiate the reconstruction of the government. Needless to say, this was not the case at all. A day passed, and Lvov already saw everything in a different light than it was in reality. Aladin sighed: “Well, thank God, we seem to have escaped blood.” But the matter was ruined by Dobrynsky, who was offended that he was no longer the center of attention. He said that he had received alarming news from Headquarters: supporters of the dictatorship were again gaining the upper hand. Lvov began to fuss again and announced that he was going to Mogilev tomorrow to personally negotiate with Kornilov.
They set off on the journey together with Dobrynsky and the next day, August 24, they were already in place. Just at this time, Kornilov was escorting Savinkov to the capital. General P.A. Polovtsev, who was traveling on the same train, recalled that he saw Lvov on the platform, but did not attach any importance to it (355). Before this, Lvov had never been to Headquarters, and Dobrynsky had no acquaintances here either. More precisely, he was familiar, but purely accidental. During the first trip to Mogilev, Dobrynsky’s traveling companion turned out to be captain I.A. Rodionov, a member of the Main Committee of the Union of Officers, and also a writer and journalist. It was to him that those who arrived went to the Paris Hotel. He was there and hospitably offered Lvov an empty bed in his room.
A conversation ensued, and Rodionov immediately began to scold Kerensky. He said that Kornilov was about to proclaim himself a dictator, saying that a corresponding manifesto had already been prepared, but for now everything was being kept secret. Lvov was already horrified as usual. Dobrynsky hastened to take his impressionable friend away. It was already evening when Lvov appeared at the governor’s house. The name of the former minister played the role of a pass, and Kornilov agreed to accept him. The meeting, however, lasted only a few minutes. Referring to the late hour, Kornilov asked Lvov to come the next morning.
Lvov returned to the hotel. Rodionov was absent at that time. When he came home late at night, his guest was already asleep. Rodionov entered the room without turning on the light. Suddenly Lvov stood up in bed and in a voice in which not a drop of sleep was felt, asked: “How to save Kerensky?” - “Save from whom?” - Rodionov was surprised. “The Supreme Commander-in-Chief said that between August 27 and 30 the Bolsheviks are expected to appear in Petrograd. And I’m afraid that they will kill Kerensky, because they are terribly angry with him” (356). In these words (and Rodionov swore that he reproduced them literally) one senses something completely abnormal. The reconciliation of Kerensky and Kornilov became an obsession for Lvov, which did not leave him day or night.
The next day at 10 am Lvov was in Kornilov’s office. Zavoiko sat on a chair in the corner, not interfering in the conversation for the time being. First of all, Kornilov asked on whose behalf Lvov was negotiating. He answered quite definitely that he was acting on Kerensky’s initiative. When asked about written powers, Lvov replied that in such a delicate matter there could be no unnecessary papers, and the best guarantee of his powers could be his status as a former member of the government. According to him, he is Kerensky’s “most intimate friend” and therefore was chosen for this assignment.
Everything that was said sounded quite convincing, and Kornilov asked the guest to get to the point. Lvov began by describing what was happening in the country in extremely gloomy terms. The only way out of this situation, in his opinion, could only be a radical reconstruction of power. Switching to a pathetic tone, he stated that his friend Kerensky had authorized him to offer the Supreme Commander-in-Chief three possible options for the further development of events: 1. Kornilov becomes head of the government, and Kerensky returns to private life; 2. Kornilov heads the government, and Kerensky occupies one of the ministerial posts; 3. The government delegates to Kornilov the powers of a sole dictator (357).
In response, Kornilov said that the situation at the front was critical. Riga was taken, and there was a threat of abandonment of Bessarabia. According to counterintelligence data, a Bolshevik performance is being prepared in Petrograd. To prevent a catastrophe, firm authority is needed. “Don’t think,” he said, “that I am speaking for myself, but for the salvation of the Motherland. “I see no other way out than transferring all military and civil power into the hands of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief.” Lvov clarified: “And civilian?” Kornilov answered firmly: “Yes, and a civilian one.”
Kornilov stated that he could not guarantee the life and safety of Kerensky and Savinkov anywhere except at Headquarters, and therefore asked them to come to Mogilev as soon as possible. He added that he was offering Savinkov the post of Minister of War, and Kerensky the post of Minister of Justice. Here Zavoiko unceremoniously intervened in the conversation: “Not the Minister of Justice, but the Deputy Minister-Chairman.” To which Lvov noticed that Kornilov did not react in any way to this almost overt rudeness. Lvov later recalled: “I felt simultaneously sorry for Kornilov and it was convincingly clear that the secretary was holding the Supreme Commander-in-Chief in his hands” (358).
This ended the audience. Lvov and Zavoiko went to the rooms of the general on duty. Here they found Colonel Golitsyn and Dobrynsky. At breakfast they were joined by a certain professor Yakovlev, who enthusiastically outlined his plan: to promise each soldier 8 acres of land after the war and thereby enlist their support. Lvov doubted: “Where will you get so much land?” “I have everything calculated,” his interlocutor answered evasively, but he preferred to keep his calculations to himself (359).
After breakfast, Zavoiko put a sheet of paper on the table and casually said: “So, Kerensky will be the Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers.” He wrote this down and looked up at Lvov: “Who will be the Minister of Internal Affairs? Maybe you? Lvov hastened to disown the flattering offer, and Filonenko’s name appeared on the list. So gradually all the vacancies were filled. After the end of the conversation, Lvov (in his words, mechanically) took the piece of paper with him. Later, during his arrest, this list was confiscated from him and added to the investigative file.
These recordings give the impression of completely ill-conceived improvisation. All members of the “camarilla” received ministerial positions on the list. Zavoiko is named Minister of Justice here, Aladin - Foreign Affairs. The candidates for the post of Minister of War included such dissimilar people as Savinkov, Alekseev, Lukomsky and Kolchak. The political composition of the new cabinet of ministers presents an amazing picture. It contains almost equal representation of socialists (Plekhanov, Argunov, the elderly German Lopatin), figures of the old regime (M.N. Pokrovsky, Count P.N. Ignatiev) and representatives of big capital (S.N. Tretyakov) (360). In practice, it was impossible to create such a “black and red” cabinet, but no one cared. Adults played their games without thinking about the intended consequences.
Zavoiko prepared to accompany Lvov to the station. Here Lvov remembered the object of his adoration. He asked: “Kornilov guarantees Kerensky’s life?” - “Oh, how can the Supreme Commander-in-Chief guarantee Kerensky’s life?” - “However, he said that?” - “You never know what he said! Can Kornilov vouch for every step of Kerensky? He will leave the house and they will kill him.” - “Who will kill?” - “Yes, even the same Savinkov, how do I know who ...” - “But this is terrible!” - “There’s nothing terrible. His death is necessary as an outlet for the excited feelings of the officers.” - “So why is Kornilov calling him to Headquarters?” - “Kornilov wants to save him, but he can’t” (361).
Later, Zavoiko did his best to disavow these bloodthirsty words. He said that he could only say this as a joke. “I have a disgusting character trait - when I see an exceptional fool in front of me, I shoot him in a conversation with the most serious look some bullet that goes against everything that has been said up to that time” (362). In reality, of course, it was not a bad joke. Zavoiko, sensing Lvov’s weakness, consciously tried to intimidate him, and through him, Kerensky. Perhaps this technique would have worked if Lvov had really come on behalf of the prime minister. Now everything is even more confused. Lvov literally fell into a trance. He was afraid for Kerensky, afraid for himself, afraid to misrepresent the words spoken to him. From this fear, some nightmarish fantasies were born in his clouded consciousness.
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Nakhodka guy Lev Kornilov managed to go from player to player in a very short time amateur team to a professional football player. In the 2005 season, he won the silver medals championship of the Primorsky Territory, and three years later came to the attention of the breeders of the capital Dynamo, however, the contract was not concluded. But Kornilov still ended up in Dynamo, although not Moscow, but Barnaul, which made its debut in the 2008 championship in the first division.
- Lev, how did professional football begin for you?
After serving in the army, I ended up in the timber plant “Lokomotiv”. This team coached quite a lot back then famous specialist Pavel Palatin. That year our team managed to take second place in the Primorye championship, and I was recognized best football player edges. When the season ended, I wanted to try myself in professional football. I contacted FC “Okean” and the director of the club, Viktor Vasilyevich Son, invited me to the training camp. True, they signed a contract with me only before the start of the season. At first, the former coach of the Nakhodka team, Oleg Garin, only occasionally allowed me onto the field, but I really started playing in the third round of the championship.
- Nakhodka is located far from Moscow. How did you manage to get a tryout at Dynamo Moscow?
When the contract at Ocean ended, at the end of the season in our football club I received a letter from the RFU, in which I was asked to be sent to the Vostok team to participate in the traditional Nadezhda tournament. Then the team was formed on the basis of “Amur” from Komsomolsk-on-Amur, and our task was to win this tournament. We came second. The breeders from Amkar drew attention to me. I called Oleg Garin, but he advised me not to rush. Oleg Sergeevich asked Dynamo specialists to look at me, and I went to the capital. In one of the control matches he managed to score a goal and give an assist. But it was not possible to “register” in Moscow. You ended up in Dynamo Barnaul, which then played in the first division. Alas, keep your registration in the second most important football league The Barnaul team didn’t succeed in Russia, but you managed to stay in the first division...
We held the last round of the championship in Yekaterinburg. After the game, one of the Ural coaches approached and offered to continue his career as part of this team next season. Soon Alexander Mikhailovich Pobegalov called, and after a while I moved to Yekaterinburg. I didn’t regret my choice for a minute. Pobegalov is a specialist with a capital S, a coach who teaches how to play football.
- Teaches?!
That's right. I believe that a person should study throughout his life. If we talk about me personally, I only know about twenty percent about football. Therefore, I try to improve and raise my level.
You have already appeared at the Vladivostok Dynamo stadium both as a Ural player and as a Lucha-Energia football player. Can you compare the feelings you experienced as a player of the Yekaterinburg team and as a player of the Vladivostok club?
When I entered the field of the Vladivostok stadium while still part of Ural, I wanted to show the Primorsky spectators and specialists what I had learned, maybe even score a goal, but then it didn’t work out...
However, playing for Ural, I just did my job, I didn’t have such big emotions. Still, when you play for your home team, you want, first of all, not to lose face. Therefore, you not only give your all on the field, but completely. Here I play not only for the club, but for my native land!
-Who is your most ardent fan?
Probably the father. Although he is a big critic of mine. After the games that he sees on TV or at the stadium, he always points out the mistakes that I made. In general, he really “drives” his son (smiles).
It was thanks to my father that football started for me. When I was three years old, he started training me. We lived near the school and very often disappeared at the local stadium. And when I was five or six years old, he sent me to sports school to Viktor Ksheminsky, from whom, by the way, Alexander Tikhonovetsky also studied as a child. When Alexander moved from Okean to Luch, all the young students in the section where I studied had great pride in their fellow countryman.
- Grateful to Krzeminski?
Certainly! First of all, for putting up with me. At a young age, many young people have problems, and the mentor treated them with understanding: he didn’t drive me away, didn’t give up, but was able to raise me to be a football player.
There has always been a find football city. In 1992-93, "Ocean" performed in major league Russian football. At that time you were 9-10 years old. Surely, the sensational victories of the Nakhodka team over great teams, in particular over CSKA - 5:2, are etched in my memory.
I don’t remember how Okean defeated CSKA. Something else remains in my memory: during some matches, we, together with other boys, served balls to the football players, and thanks to this, there was a feeling of involvement in the action that was taking place on
field.
- Did you have any idols as a child?
No! I've always loved playing football, but I still don't really like watching matches. I have never seen any kind of deity in the stars that came to Nakhodka.
- Do you believe in omens?
There are a few. For example, on the day of the game, I don’t call anyone before the match. Even my wife.